DSpace Coleção:http://repositorio.unifap.br:80/jspui/handle/123456789/712024-02-25T12:10:44Z2024-02-25T12:10:44Z“Vou pra praça da Bandeira e depois pro Formigueiro”: política cultural, memória e sociabilidade no rock independente em Macapá (2008-2015)http://repositorio.unifap.br:80/jspui/handle/123456789/13462023-04-17T13:31:37Z2023-01-01T00:00:00ZTítulo: “Vou pra praça da Bandeira e depois pro Formigueiro”: política cultural, memória e sociabilidade no rock independente em Macapá (2008-2015)
Abstract: The history of music is a field of historical knowledge with many specificities, due to the
existence of countless musical genres, with their varied compositional structures, from
instrumental arrangements to lyrical parts, which emerged at different times throughout
history, serving different groups. social. Therefore, this work aims to investigate the
production of independent rock in the city of Macapá, between the years 2008 and 2015,
through an interview with one of the members of this movement, belonging to collectives
such as Liberdade ao Rock and Coletivo Palafita, added to issues related to the formation of
rock bands and collectives in the school environment. Also considering the creation of
festivals such as Liberdade ao Rock, and Festival Quebramar, this research proposes to
understand the production of these festivals, which brought artists of national and
international projection to the city of Macapá, to perform in places such as the amphitheater
of Fortress of São José de Macapá, Praça da Bandeira, and Largo dos Inocentes (Anthill). For
this research, documents from the Macapá Culture Foundation (Fumcult-PMM), posters
belonging to the personal collection of sociologist Artur Mendes Costa, and an interview with
Diego Meireles, one of the founders of the Movimento de Iniciativa Cultural Liberdade ao
Rock were used. , also temporarily part of Coletivo Palafita. In 2013, some of these festive
circuits had their performances interrupted, generating a period of greater difficulty for the
production of independent rock in the capital. My hypothesis is that the lack of funding by the
State, through cultural incentive programs, is one of the main causes for the interruption of
these festivals, added to a homicide carried out on one of the days of the Quebramar Festival,
culminating in the association of the rock movement to urban violence. Along with this, it is
believed that the need to fulfill personal commitments on the part of this member is one of the
causes of a period of discontinuity in the editions of the festivals investigated in this research.
As a result, in 2015 the Festival Quebramar has its last edition held, with less participation
and support from the public authorities.2023-01-01T00:00:00ZIgreja e poder: fé e política no âmbito da igreja católica no Amapá (2009 a 2021)http://repositorio.unifap.br:80/jspui/handle/123456789/9372022-06-24T12:39:07Z0036-09-11T00:00:00ZTítulo: Igreja e poder: fé e política no âmbito da igreja católica no Amapá (2009 a 2021)0036-09-11T00:00:00ZModernização e condições de labuta na Amazônia setentrional: força de trabalho, acidentes e doenças tropicais na gênese de um projeto de extração mineral no Amapá (1948-1956)http://repositorio.unifap.br:80/jspui/handle/123456789/9362022-06-23T12:17:58Z0016-08-14T00:00:00ZTítulo: Modernização e condições de labuta na Amazônia setentrional: força de trabalho, acidentes e doenças tropicais na gênese de um projeto de extração mineral no Amapá (1948-1956)
Abstract: The relevance of this work originates from the systematic analysis of the profile of the labor force of Indústria e Comércio de Minérios S.A. between 1948 and 1956, as well as an investigation about accidents and diseases of work, thus revealing to us the living and working conditions to which these labors were historically submitted. Through the employee’s records and files, the articles of the magazine Icomi-Notícias and the newspaper Amapá, the photographs related to Icomi and through the other administrative sources of the company and the government of the Território Federal do Amapá, it was possible to establish a relationship between the mineral exploration project headed by Icomi with the political and economic guidelines of the Território Federal do Amapá and the federal government. Similarly, the thousands of employee’s records (and a few dozen files) analyzed here quantitatively indicated that the icomian workforce corresponded to the profile of a construction workforce: male, volatile, young, single and migrant. Through the photographs, we observed that the company's workers performed their labor with clothes and equipment inadequate to the service. In addition, we noticed, through photographs, records and employee records, that the company's workers performed their work on long journeys, which could generate fatigue, cause accidents and increase the chance of contracting diseases such as malaria and TB. Thus, we conclude that the Icomi project, between 1948 and 1956, was marked by the poor working conditions during the first experience of industrial work of free labor capitalism in Amapá.0016-08-14T00:00:00ZO chão do conflito: estado ditatorial, grandes projetos e campesinato na Amazônia amapaense (1978-1985)http://repositorio.unifap.br:80/jspui/handle/123456789/9352022-06-23T12:08:36Z0036-09-11T00:00:00ZTítulo: O chão do conflito: estado ditatorial, grandes projetos e campesinato na Amazônia amapaense (1978-1985)
Abstract: During the Brazilian military dictatorship (1964-1985), the Amazon gained centrality in debates on economic development and national integration policies. In this context, the region was the scene of intense and violent conflicts, resulting from the advance of the capitalist frontier over its lands. These were coveted and occupied by mega-projects led by Brazilian and foreign entrepreneurs. The entrepreneurship that decided to invest there had the full support of the military who took control of the state through a coup d'état in 1964. In the wake of the entrepreneurial-military alliance, the group led by Augusto Trajano de Azevedo Antunes appropriated more than 170,000 hectares of land in the Território Federal do Amapá and, through Amapá Florestal e Celulose S.A. (Amcel), it developed a mega-project for the cultivation of pine caribaea, with the aim of producing cellulose. The lands on which Amcel installed its enterprise were already occupied by peasant, which generated the clashes that will be analyzed in this dissertation. Based on the documentation produced by the company itself and other collections, it is intended to characterize the conflicts over land resulting from the installation of Amcel, focusing on the forms of domination and resistance that constituted these conflicts.0036-09-11T00:00:00Z